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FIRST ESSAY 

CIVIL SERVICE REFORl(l 


BY 

MARION COUTHOUY SMITH 

■* » 

of the Woman’s Club of Orange, N. J. 


NEW YORK 

Published for the 

WOMEN’S AUXILIARY 

to the 

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM ASSOCIATION 
1901 






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Civil Service Reform 

By MARION COUTHOUY SMITH 
OF THE woman’s CLUB OF ORANGE, NEW JERSEY 


The history of the civil service in our country, its gradual 
demoralization and gradual reform, is by no means a mere record 
of unfaithfulness or depravity on the part of our governing 
powers, although these elements have entered into the matter. 
It is largely the history of an inevitable problem, slowly work¬ 
ing itself out, through a maze of error and difficulty and con¬ 
fusion, until the solution is reached through the development 
of a more enlightened public sentiment, and the increase of 
national responsibilities. 

The difficulty is one with which every nation is forced to 
contend; but the standard of the Republic is high; it challenges 
the world’s criticism. The moral demand upon a nation is 
higher in proportion to the ideal set forth in its governmental 
documents, and the difficulty of fulfilling the demand is cor¬ 
respondingly great. The Republic is the “city set upon an hill”; 
it is a deliberate effort to fulfil the best ideal of government 
known to man. 

The civil service is to the body politic what the circulation of 
the blood is to the individual body. It brings—or should bring 
—the beneficent action of the government into every part, even 
to the remotest members. It is the most vital element of the 
state, the organ of effectiveness in achievement and progress. 
While the military service is for emergency, the civil service 
is for daily living. Corruption in its ranks sends corruption 
everywhere, blocks the efficiency of legislation, and renders 
executive action inert and fitful. If the people cannot secure 
good service in public utilities, then the people are not the ruling 
power, no matter what the Constitution may say. If the nation 
cannot secure good consular and colonial service, then the form 
of government of which we boast is rather a source of weakness 
than of strength to the race. 

It is well known that that hydra-headed monster, the “spoils 
I j system,” first put in its sinister appearance under Andrew 
OC Jackson, a fact which it is difficult to reconcile with some of his 
forcible utterances on the subject of good appointments. How- 



ever, the origin of the system goes deeper than Jackson’s reck¬ 
less removals and thoughtless appointments of his personal 
friends. The conception of politics as a game to be played for 
self-advancement, and of party adherence at any cost, is attri¬ 
buted to Aaron Burr, and to his follower Martin Van Buren, 
who had afterwards as President, an opportunity to carry out 
in its fullness, the system of party patronage already devised. 
Strong hands at first held them back; and through all the years 
during which the most corrupt conditions prevailed, strong 
voices were raised, from time to time, in favor of honor and 
justice and purification. In the Senate, in 1832, Henry Clay 
thus stigmatized the prevalent methods: “It is a detestable sys¬ 
tem, drawn from the worst periods of the Roman Republic; 
and if it were to be perpetuated if the offices, honors, and 
dignities of the people were to be put up to a scramble, to be 
decided by the result of every presidential election, our Govern¬ 
ment and institutions, becoming intolerable, would finally end 
in a despotism as inexorable as that of Constantinople.” 

It was in the course of an answer to this very speech that 
Senator Marcy uttered those memorable words, “To the victors 
belong the spoils,” a saying afterwards virtually adopted as the 
motto of the professional politician. Every President has dis¬ 
claimed it. Almost to a man, they condemned the system, yet 
succumbed in some degree to its terrible pressure. Lincoln 
, himself was a victim to its savage importunities. In his day, 
the questions demanding solution were the most crucial, and 
the duties most arduous, ever yet known to the Nation; yet 
the President’s time and strength were wasted, and great decisions 
hindered, by the clamors of the office-seeking crew. Pressed by 
vast national issues, Lincoln was compelled to neglect the civil 
service problem, and thus matters became worse during the 
administration of the man of all others purest from the pollution 
of self or party interest, and most devoted to the honor and 
welfare of the people. So difficult is it to check an evil that has 
once gained headway. 

During the middle part of the century the entire service, from 
heads of departments to the lowest subordinates, was rotted 
through with abuses resulting from patronage and the spoils 
system. Government offices were practically regarded as a sort 
of charitable institution,—an asylum for the incompetent. The 
consequences of course, were endless confusion and extrava¬ 
gance. Public funds were wasted, and public utilities carried 
on with disgraceful inefficiency. There was a time in the ’60s 


4 


when drunken carriers and sorters could be found hanging about 
the New York Post-office. Such details serve to encourage 
us as to the present status of reform, much as there is still 
to be desired. Meanwhile, the few public officers who were 
worthy and competent lived with the sword of Damocles hang¬ 
ing over their heads, and their best efforts were paralyzed by 
uncertainty. A change of administration was for some, a 
calamity; for others, a shameful opportunity. 

The strangest thing about all this corruption was the fact that 
few openly acquiesced in it, and efforts at reform were in¬ 
cessantly in progress. Resolutions were passed, most of which 
never got beyond committees and were simply alarming state¬ 
ments without satisfactory results. Such voices as those of 
Webster, Clay, Calhoun, and others of like prominence, were 
raised in favor of the repeal of the Act of 1820, and of similar 
practical methods of reform. A step in the right direction was 
the trial of pass examinations as a test of efficiency for govern¬ 
ment employees, but these were found inadequate, as they failed 
to exclude influence, and did not sufficiently raise the standard. 
The first legislation leading directly to the present system was 
enacted in 1871, and was embodied in an amendment to the 
civil appropriation bill. It authorized the President to “prescribe 
such rules and regulations for the admission of persons into the 
civil service of the United States as will best promote the 
efficiency thereof”; and also to ascertain the fitness of each 
candidate in all necessary particulars, and to employ suitable 
persons to conduct inquiries. This was the nucleus of the Civil 
Service Act of 1883. Presidents Grant and Hayes made earnest 
efforts on behalf of this legislation, with favorable results. 
President Arthur advocated the best features of the English 
system, including life tenure, and competitive examinations. At 
last on January 16, 1883, after years of struggle, involving end¬ 
less committee work, amendment, and debate, the present law 
was passed, marking an era in the history of the civil service. 
Its most important provision is for the appointment of a non¬ 
partisan Commission, consisting of three members, to prepare 
and enforce rules, and furnish annual reports. It also provides 
for competitive examinations, the graded classification of 
nominees for subordinate positions, and the gradual extension 
of this system, by Executive action, until, presumably the entire 
subordinate service, above the grade of laborers, shall be cov- 
•* ered by the Rules. The heads of departments are appointed as 
before. 


5 


Whatever the faults or shortcomings of the Act of 1883, it has 
within it the seed of reform, which has already borne abundant 
fruit. But no sooner was the necessary legislation secured, than 
the great problem of enforcement made itself felt. The history 
of the service since the law was passed is the history of a 
continual struggle; and it is only in the aggregate that we can 
fully appreciate the victories that have been won. To secure 
the proper enforcement, it was necessary that the President 
should himself be a radical reformer, that the Civil Service 
Commission should perform its work with thoroughness and 
good judgment; and that Congress should make liberal appro¬ 
priations for the purpose, and should enact, from time to time, 
such laws as should be necessary for progress. As to the first 
condition, it is unfortunate that, in spite of worthy sentiments on 
the subject of reform uttered in messages and inaugural ad¬ 
dresses, we have never since before Jackson’s term, had a 
President whose actions were unvaryingly and consistently 
favorable to the purification of the service. They have all been 
more or less entangled in party affiliations and so-called party 
obligations. The intrusion of party interest is fatal; it has been 
proved so, not a thousand, but a million times. It has corrupted 
our municipal governments; it has touched the military service 
in time of war, wounding it more cruelly than the enemy could 
do; it has crippled public utilities, and hindered the establish¬ 
ment of government ownership in cases where private ownership 
is manifestly unjust. The President must of necessity be the 
representative of a party, in certain broad principles upon which 
parties are arrayed upon one side or another, and which may be 
regarded more or less as open questions; but in matters wherein 
personal character and public service are alone concerned, he 
should take his stand above the reach of partisan interest or 
feeling. So long as the Executive is in any sense the slave of 
his party, so long will he be unable to accomplish a just, fear¬ 
less and radical reform. This fact is widely appreciated, but the 
difficulty of securing progressive Congressional action is not 
so well known. Many a good measure is blocked, and danger¬ 
ous measure pushed through, by the subtle friends of the spoils 
system among our Senators and Representatives. With the Civil 
Service Commissioners, eternal vigilance is the price of success. 
The keenest insight and foresight, the boldest action, the most 
unsparing labor, must be given to their work; and such vision, 
such action, and such toil, have not been lacking among those 
appointed for this arduous task. Men of sterling quality are 

6 


needed for this work. Delays, mistakes, or compromises can¬ 
not be tolerated. The march of progress depends upon the 
appropriations, which are often gained only after a hard fight; 
and also upon the constant increase in the classified service, 
which at the beginning of the present Administration, included 
over eighty thousand places, having been largely extended by 
Presidents Harrison and Cleveland. 

But on the whole, we may conclude that we are always in 
danger of losing ground if more far-seeing action and more 
rigorous supervision be not maintained. As to present condi¬ 
tions, however, it is possibly unjust to place the entire blame 
upon the Administration. The complex machinery of the Fed¬ 
eral service requires a more accurate regulating power than has 
yet been devised, as well as a sterner and more honest enforce¬ 
ment on all sides. 

Whatever laws may be passed from time to time, it is plain that 
a mightier force even than the law itself must be brought to bear 
upon this question. Public sentiment is the power behind the 
throne in all constitutional governments. As a moral force put 
into vigorous action, it is irresistible. The first step is to en¬ 
lighten and quicken it; and this process is largely individual. 
When each man or woman sees the truth, and does what he or 
she can do to promote it, the ideals of the Republic can be 
realized. That we see the truth, and see it more clearly every 
day, is indisputable; but to see and not act is fatal. It is at this 
very point that we come upon our characteristic national weak¬ 
ness. We are quick to see, quick to speak, but slow to act. We 
perceive a wrong, laugh or sigh over it, and then go about our 
business, trusting to our national good luck to bring the matter 
around all right. A man will not soil his fingers by touching 
political matters; he neglects to vote, he tells his neighbor that 
if such or such a system be not reformed, the country will go 
to perdition; but it does not occur to him that he has any power 
to stop the descensus Averni. A woman, lacking the direct power 
of the ballot, forgets her possible share in moving the mighty 
engine of public opinion. So they shake their heads over the 
problem, and pass by on the other side. Yet it is by the united 
power of every heart, every mind, and every voice, that the 
great deeds of time are at length accomplished. Public senti¬ 
ment is a grand movement of the aggregate thought; and every 
one of us can help to charge it with power. And so charged it 
will pass into action, and sweep all before it. 

As to practical suggestions, the first step is for voters. Fill 


7 


the elective offices with men whose appointments you can trust; 
this has a direct bearing upon the civil service. So much mis¬ 
chief can be done by corrupt Senators and Representatives that 
the elections to Congress are scarcely of secondary importance 
to the presidential elections. The excitement of party, on the 
latter occasions, often causes voters to forget the exceeding im¬ 
portance of choosing men of sound principles and high attain¬ 
ments as the immediate representatives of the people, the wielders 
of the law-making power. The next step is to impose an effec¬ 
tual check upon the appointing and removing agencies. Public 
opinion must be brought to bear upon public officers with a 
force that cannot be ignored. An enlightened press is a great 
power in this direction. The press must truly represent public 
opinion, and must make itself respected. All methods that are in 
themselves despicable are ineffective. Sensational abuse and 
insulting cartoons defeat their purpose. The press, as the voice 
of an enlightened and fair-minded people, will do excellent 
service, as in many instances it does to-day. A journal or 
periodical that both instructs and expresses public opinion, on 
the higher plane, is an instrument for good on every point it 
touches. 

Another powerful agency is organization. Such societies as 
the National Civil Service League, and the Civil Service Re¬ 
form Associations of the principal cities, constantly studying 
conditions, protesting, agitating, and influencing legislation, have 
a mission for good beyond our power to estimate. The inclusion 
of the Women’s Auxiliary in New York brings to bear a new 
and purifying element upon the work of the Association. For 
such exalted patriotic service it is well that the men and women 
of the nation should labor together. 

Of all things most important is the education of the young 
for the duties of citizenship. This should begin in the home, 
and the strongest influence of educated womanhood should be 
brought to bear upon it. The school should regard it as of 
supreme importance; and no opportunity should be lost to 
impress upon the children of the Republic their future share in 
the government. Much has been done of late in this direction, 
and it is a subject for congratulation. The principal use of 
patriotic societies is to carry on educational work. And such 
institutions as Mr. George’s “Junior Republic” are of far-reach¬ 
ing benefit. The time must come, when we train young men, 
and if necessary young women, for work under the government 
as we train them for business, for the professions, or for the 

8 


army and navy. When the civil service is a profession in 
itself, its honorable character will be recognized. As its 
personnel becomes higher in character, the service will be less 
complicated. Fewer individuals may be employed, and salaries 
may be raised. When compensation is inadequate, service is 
inferior; and when service is superior, compensation will rise 
in answer to the demand. The two conditions react upon one 
another. 

It has already been suggested that a strong force in favor of 
reform is the increase of national responsibility. It was this 
that brought about the improvements in the English system. 
Civil Service Reform in England was first applied to Indian 
affairs, and afterwards generally extended. It first took shape 
in the India Bill of 1853, in the framing of which Lord Macaulay 
was largely concerned. His special point was that of competi¬ 
tive examinations. England found that a sound system was 
absolutely essential in her colonial governments; therefore the 
clearest and most powerful minds in the United Kingdom were 
brought to bear upon a problem so imperative. It must always 
be understood, however, that the spur of responsibility will act 
only upon a sensitive public conscience. Spain was apparently 
unmoved by the scandal of her colonial governments; China 
is indifferent to the civil corruption which permeates every nook 
and corner of her empire. But the English-speaking races have 
in them that power of self-improvement which is the strong¬ 
est element of self-government. Upon such peoples responsi¬ 
bility acts as a remedial and purifying agency; rousing them 
from supine self-content by that old trumpet-call, “Now it is 
high time to awake out of sleep!” 

Without entering at all into the question of whether national 
expansion is right or wrong for our country, we may take it 
that national expansion is now an accomplished fact, and that 
it is not profitable to lament over it, but rather to use it as an 
opportunity for national improvement. Our place among the 
powers is such that a defective consular service can no longer 
be tolerated; while a defective colonial service (if such it can 
be called at the present juncture) will inevitably bring us to 
shame, if not to ruin. Great work must be done by men who are 
great in mind, in character, and in action. Our regular military 
service, and more particularly the naval branch, will serve to 
show what the men of the Republic can be and do under severe 
tests, when their training and appointments are free from the 
political taint. Where the military service has cleared the way. 


9 



the civil service must build up our supremacy and sustain our 
honor. 

We want the man for the place; such a man, for example, as 
Leonard Wood in Cuba,—and we must put him there, without 
regard to his party theories or affiliations. If he be the king— 
“the man who carC '—we cannot deny him his kingdom. For 
we need him more than he needs us. We know that in the 
extension of a beneficent rule, either by constitutional or authori¬ 
tative methods, weakness, delay or corruption are more than 
dangerous. We cannot afford to support the ignoble army of in¬ 
competents. The nation owes to itself the honor of the true 
man’s work, and owes to him the help that must be accorded him 
by trained subordinates. This is true both at home and abroad; 
but it should begin at home before it is brought before us by 
that sternest of all rebukes— 

“Cold, edged with dear-bought wisdom— 

The judgment of your peers.” 

The test time has come; the finger of Divine Judgment is 
ready to inscribe the hand-writing on the wall, that shall never 
be effaced. May it be for our country, what it only can be 
through faithfulness to our highest ideals,—“Thou art not found 
wanting.” So shall we fulfil the largest hope of the coming 
age. 


10 





President, 

Mrs. W. H. Schieffelin. 

V ice-President, 

Mrs. C. R. Lowell. 

Treasurer, 

Mrs. Winthrop Cowdin. 
Secretary, 

Miss A. J. G. Perkins 
Executive Committee, 


the oflScers and 

Miss Elizabeth Luther Cary, Miss Schurz, 

Mrs. Noah H. Chapman, Miss Whitney, 

Mrs. A. G. Norrie, Mrs. George McAneny, 

ex-oMcio. 

All communications and requests for publications should be 
addressed to the 


Assistant Secretary, 
Miss A. E. H. Meyer, 
48 West 59th Street, 
New York City. 


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